Nelson Mandela is one of the most influential men in the world. Born into the Thembu Royal family, he committed his life to the advancement of Black people in South Africa. Mandela stood firmly as a public leader of the anti-apartheid movement. In 1962, he was arrested and convicted of sabotage and conspiracy to overthrow the government, and was sentenced to life in prison. An international campaign ensued, and in 1990 he was released, after serving 27 years. In 1994, he was appointed as the first Black president of South Africa. This is the riveting and controversial story of how Nelson Mandela defied adversity and inspired the world. Nelson Mandela was born on July 18, 1918, in the village of Mbezo in Umtata, then a part of South Africa's Cape Province. At birth, he was considered royalty. His patrilineal great-grandfather was ruler of the Thembu people in the transkein territories of South Africa's modern eastern Cape province. At an early age, he learned the value of handwork by tending to herds as a cattle boy. Both of his parents were illiterate, but by being a devout Christian, his mother sent him to a local methodist school when he was about seven. Feeling cut adrift, he later said that he inherited his father's proud rebelliousness and stubborn sense of fairness. Madiba, can you tell us a bit about the trouble? In 1977? When the journalists came and took that photograph of you, we can see you were very angry there. Yeah, no, actually I wasn't angry. Uh, what uh uh disturbed us was what the authorities were going to do after the journalists had visited us. Because they used to treat us very tough. But when there was an important visitor coming, then they would relax. They would say, I don't know, you don't have to work continuously. You can just take a walk, if you want to, around the quarry. Then we knew that a visitor is coming. But once the visitor is gone, oh, Christ. The same. Cruelty would be mobilized, and they were difficult those days. So you knew it was a propaganda? Yeah, I don't know. We knew, and we didn't, uh, compromise at all. We challenged them throughout and we knew when a visitor was coming, when they were now treating us nicely. But we never relax with them, right? Thank you. Can you tell us something about your struggles to get letters to family and friends? We know they were censoring letters and a lot of letters didn't ever reach the people. Yeah, quite right. Well, at first, we're allowed to write and receive letters once in six months, right? And uh? But of course, we fought against that for quite some time and the methods we used they really could not tolerate. And so we eventually won the battle. You learned Afrikaans while you were on Robes Island. Yeah, that's true. And did you learn Afrikaans so that you could communicate with them? No, that's true. It was easy, you know. I spoke Afrikaans better in jail because I could practice it every day. And then, you know, the orders. They are not highly educated, many of them. And they received many letters with complaints from various people. And they would then come to me to help them. That's how I picked up Africans very quickly. Because they were actually being cheated. You know, the extent to which whites cheat other whites. I didn't have a full measure until I was in jail and I had learned Afrikaans. Then I realized how cruel they were. Now, Christo Brandt was different, though, wasn't he? Oh, yes. No, that's true. Did you become a friend of his quite quickly, or did that happen over many years? Oh, no, no. You know, Brandt was a very interesting youngster. They would say something to him, the big chaps, confidentially. And then he would come to us and make sure that I'm not there. And if I'm in another group, then he would tell others what they say about me. But they were talking to people like Kathrada. And when he goes, then they tell me what they were saying. So he was like a microphone for you to hear, what... That's right. That's true. But did you know that they were mic... That they had microphones and were recording all your conversations. I only knew when I left jail. Yes. Because I used to go under a tree. Yes. And then relax there, think I'm free. And yet I had a microphone in the tree. In the tree. Madiba, I want to show you a picture of yourself. Those tomatoes. Oh, yes. Can you tell us something about your garden? Now I had a garden which I looked after. And when the tomatoes were ready, the warders would be very friendly and come and get some tomatoes from the garden. And now I still remember that very well. What other vegetables did you grow? Chilies, I think you grew. Yes, chilies. And what was the other one, which was a favorite? Cabbage. Cabbages, yeah, yeah, and cauliflower, okay, yes, and then onion, yeah. Now I've talked to Mr. K and to Mack Maraj. They tell me that you used to fertilize this garden in strange ways. No, I don't want to talk like that. No, I didn't want to answer. I don't want to talk like that. I'll show you another photograph that's Minister Kobe could see it. That's right now. That was a gift to you, that that. Yes, it's a Peter. Money died so early. Yes, and then now this shop is what's going on? What's his name? Um, she was. I know him very well. Was he head of the prison services? Yeah, you remember him at the Saldino? The chef? I used to know him very well, but he's African speaking. Yes, yes, yes, and Neil Barnard in the middle there. Yeah, quite. Did you keep that briefcase for a long time afterwards? Oh, yes, but I don't know what happened to it. Okay, last question for you, Madiba. Another photograph, That's the victor for Stair House, and that's the first house you built in Kuno. I see how similar they are. Could you tell us a little bit about your decision? They moved me from prison and isolated me, and I stayed in a house like this. So when I reached home, I built a house like this. Exactly the same? Exactly the same. I asked for the, what do you call it, for the blood. And they gave it to me, and I built it like that until I had a little bit of more earnings. Then I built a bigger one. Zelda is saying to me, I must ask you, why did you use those plants? Why did you want your house in the Koonwood to be the same? No, it's because, although it was meant as a punishment, originally. I grew to love it because the rest of the prisoners were in a building for prisoners, and that isolation and putting me in a house was something of a privilege. And when I went back home, I built exactly the same house, the same plan. I asked the prison to give me the plan, which they did. And I built that house. Thank you. But when my position improved... Then I built a modern house. Thank you. Zelda is telling me, I must ask you about the swimming pool. I also want to ask you, when you left Victor Verstee, you had a surfboard that you took with you away from Victor Verstee. It's listed there on the inventory of what you took away. So the question is, why did you have a surfboard at Victor Verstee? Well. I can't explain it properly, but it was really to keep me occupied and to remind me of prison life when I'm outside. Madiba, One last question. It's a question about moving from Robben Island to Poulsmoua. When they told you that they were moving you, did you try to resist that? No, but I was very sorry because I was leaving my colleagues behind and I was going to stay alone. But when I reached Victor Fester, after a few weeks, I... I loved it. Yes, yeah, I love that. uh, isolation and the house. you like the house? Oh yes, I like the house. That's why I built the same house. Yes, at Kuno. And did you swim in that swimming pool? Yes, I did. Okay, yeah, I did. thank you, thank you. The wardens were not allowed to swim. But, uh, they would have a, they would have a card and then swim, They'd come and swim in yours. yeah, we would swim. Nelson Mandela arrived in Johannesburg, South Africa, in 1941. Staying with a cousin in George Gok Township, Mandela was introduced to the realtor and African National Congress activist Walter Sisulu, who secured him a job as an articled clerk at law firm Witkin-Sidelski in Eidelman. At the firm, Mandela befriended Gheorre Ridebe, a member of the ANC and Communist Party, as well as Nat Bregman, a Jewish communist who became his first white friend. Attending Communist talks and parties, Mandela was impressed that Europeans, Africans, and Indians were mixing as equals. Becoming increasingly politicized, in August 1943, Mandela marched in support of a successful bus boycott to reverse fare rises. After passing his B.A. exams in early 1943, Mandela became a lawyer. The Africans require, want to franchise on the basis of one man, one vote, they want political independence. Do you see Africans being able to develop in this country without the Europeans being put tight? We have made it very clear in our policy that South Africa is the country of many races. There is room for all the various races in this country. Are there many educated Africans inside Africa? Yes, we have a large number of Africans who are educated and who are taking part in the political struggles of the Africans. The question of education has nothing to do with the question of the vote. On numerous occasions, it has been told in history that people can enjoy the vote even if they have no education. Of course, we do have education and we think it's a good thing. But you don't have to have education in order to know that you want certain fundamental rights, you have got aspirations, you have got claims. It has nothing to do with education whatsoever. Are you planning any more? Campaigns of non-cooperation? Yes, the Peter Marisbeck resolution makes provision for campaign of non-cooperation with the government, and we are presently studying plans to implement this aspect of the resolution. Now, if Dr. DeVoort's government doesn't give you the kind of concessions that you want. Sometime soon, is there any likelihood of violence? There are many people who feel. But the reaction of the government to our stay at home, ordering a general mobilization, arming the white community, arresting 10,000 of Africans, is show of force. Throughout the country. Notwithstanding our clear declaration that this campaign is being run on peaceful and non-violent lines, close the chapter as far as our methods of political struggle concerned. There are many people who feel that it is useless and futile for us to continue talking peace and non-violence against the government. Whose reply is only savage attacks on an unarmed and defenseless people. I think the time has come for us to consider, in the light of our experiences in this day at home, whether the methods which we have applied so far are adequate. In 1950, Mandela was elected national president of the ANCYL. At the ANC National Conference of December 1951, he continued arguing against a racially united front, but was outvoted. In April 1952, Mandela began work at the H.M. Basner Law firm. Though, his increasing commitment to work and activism meant he spent less time with his family. In 1952, the ANC began preparation for a joint defiance campaign against apartheid with Indian and communist groups, founding a national voluntary board to recruit volunteers. Deciding on a path of non-violent resistance, influenced by Mahatma Gandhi, some considered it ethical option, but Mandela instead considered it pragmatic. At a Durban rally on June 22, Mandela addressed an assembled crowd of 10,000, initiating the campaign. protests, for which he was arrested and briefly interned at Marshall Square Prison. With further protests, the ANC's membership grew from 20,000 to 100,000. The government responded with mass arrests, introducing the Public Safety Act in 1953 to permit marital law. Arrived in London at the start of a European tour. He usually stayed at a prestigious Park Lane hotel. Sometimes he dined with a very close friend, as he explained to the South African High Commissioner, Lindiwa Mabusa. We are friendly with the Queen, and she is one of my best friends. And after the dinner, we had a conversation, and eventually I said, well... Because when we were the only two, we call each other by first names. You call her Elizabeth? Yes, of course. So I say, you must release me now. I must go to the Dorchester. There's no Dorchester. Your Dorchester is here. You are going to sleep here tonight. And that's what happened. That's what happened. What about your things? They had to follow you. Yeah. No, I didn't need things. I only needed pyjamas. They went to fetch them. And I slept there. One of Mandela's hallmarks had been to oppose even close allies when they chose to settle scores by going to war. They needed to talk to people. And to say, you know, what are we quarrelling about? And the most powerful method of resolving issues is peace. Mandela's endless succession of visitors would inevitably ask him to voice political opinion, but he refused. I'm no longer in politics now, I'm just watching from a distance. And when people come to me to say, what do we do with a situation like this? I say, no, go to people who are in politics. I'm not going to be in politics. I've retired. He hasn't got an exaggerated notion of who he is. I mean, he has weaknesses. I mean, one of the most obvious is his poor taste in shirts. Tutu criticised Mandela on serious matters, too, like his failure to act sharply enough to stop government corruption. Yet he could not help admire his old friend. Here is someone who went to jail on Robben Island, living because of the miscarriage of justice. What happened to him there could so easily have turned him into a gnarled, bitter, angry person. It didn't. Mandela had spent 18 of his 27 years in prison on Robben Island, South Africa's Alcatraz. You know, Robben Island, I liked it very much. Although when I was a prisoner there, it was not my favourite. No, for sure. But... You liked going there afterwards. Yes, quite. But now when I look back, I say, no, that was a good place. Oh, my goodness. Why do you say that? No, the experience, you know, because it's a totally different experience from what we know and what we would like. And I was happy that I went through that. Suffering is very strange. I mean, suffering can amputate, but far more frequently it ennobles, you know, amazingly. I mean, almost all of the truly great people have undergone some form of suffering. One of Mandela's morning rituals was to read the newspapers. Papa, I'm going to have to disturb you a bit. A later ritual was to have his hands and feet massaged by a physiotherapist. This is the wedding ring, so take it out for me, please. No, take it out. But that means I must put it back, Papa. What's wrong with that? A young lady like yourself should not be so superstitious. It's not superstition, Papa. What is it? It's just me. It's not right. Even you see, even the other say so. You and mom touch the drink, not me. Why are you smiling? Just because I'm handsome. What? Why is he smiling? I said to him, Why are you smiling? He said, Just because I'm handsome. Oh, I thought that. You're trying to look. No comment to that. No comment, eh? I mean, that's a comment bigger than a comment. Oh, yeah. So that's your hand bath. Thank you. You put back your ring, right? Okay. The ring is the one Graca Michelle gave him on their wedding day, which they held on his 80th birthday. I won't be coming to... While she was a widow when they fell in love, he was emerging from a broken marriage. We met as just a meeting of two souls. And we talked about our experiences in the past. We realized that both of us had... Deep sense of loss without having much an opportunity to openly share it with other people. So when you find someone who has gone through more or less the same kind of experience, the way you open, it's different. Because you know this person understands what I'm talking about. Kunu is the place of Mandela's ancestors, the proud Corsair royals, defeated by British invaders two centuries ago. It is also a place that carries memories of deep personal sorrow. Early on, during Mandela's imprisonment on Robben Island, he received news that his eldest son, Tembi, had been killed in a car accident. In 2005, his other son, Mahatul, died of AIDS. Madiba thought he had paid all the prices and it was time for him just to be rewarded with peace. And tranquility and the joy of being with his family. And at this, only son who was left is taken away from him. Precisely by a disease he was busy fighting against. It wasn't easy. Madiba keeps himself very composed, but it wasn't easy. No. There's a view in South Africa that Mandela had failed earlier as president to react with due urgency. To an HIV-AIDs crisis that acquired epidemic proportions. It's not a criticism that the foundation wholly accepts. We know from the archives he was getting his head around HIV-Aids very soon after his release. It's not because Madiba didn't acknowledge the crisis or failed to appreciate what needed to be done. I think it just… It kind of fell off the table. Whether or not Mandela believed that he should have done more, after leaving the presidency, he made up for lost time, enlisting his closest allies in the fight against AIDS. If I could ever help you on anything, let me know. I told Zelda and the young man working with her that I could help them with their foundation, with your papers and projects, I would do that. A lost... Batch of such photographs was discovered by a young man sifting through his late grandfather's papers. They showed Mandela as a teenager at Mission School, Mandela recognized the white teachers, but only one of his fellow students, Philip Phillies Mandela, understood how important it was to strive for the best education available to Black youth at the time. A serious young man stands out from the rest. It turns out to be the earliest known photograph of Mandela, taken around 1937. Madiba is obsessed by education. I mean, the role education can play in changing lives. August 5th, 1962, police captured and arrested Mandela, jailed in Johannesburg's Marshall Square prison. He was charged with inciting worker strikes and leaving the country without permission. Representing himself, Mandela intended to use the trial to showcase the ANC's moral opposition to racism, while supporters demonstrated outside the court. On July 11, 1963, the charges were escalated to four counts of sabotage and conspiracy to violently overthrow the government. Mandela admitted sabotage, but denied that he had ever agreed to initiate guerrilla war against the government. They used the trial to highlight their political cause. At the opening of the defense's proceedings, Mandela gave a three-hour speech. The trial gained international attention, with global calls for the release of the accused from such institutions as the United Nations and World Peace Council. The University of London Union voted Mandela to his presidency, and nightly vigils for him were held in St. Paul's Cathedral in London. Deeming them to be violent communist agitators, South Africa's government ignored all calls for clemency. And on June 12, 1964, Mandela was found guilty on all four charges and sentenced to life in prison. Mandela remained in prison on Robben Island for the next 18 years. A newsmaker interview with Nelson Mandela is next. At the United Nations today, the anti-apartheid leader repeated his call for continued sanctions against the South African government. He also warned of possible right-wing terrorism in South Africa. I talked with him this afternoon at the Council on foreign Relations. Mr. Mandela, thank you very much for joining us. It's a pleasure. It comes to very few people to stand at the podium of the United Nations and not only be applauded by the whole standing audience, but cheered. What did you feel at that moment? Well, I felt this was a great compliment to the ANC in particular. And to the struggle of the people of South Africa against racial oppression. It is an indication of the extent to which our struggle has made an impact throughout the world, and in particular to the United Nations organization, and I was happy about that. You told the United Nations it would be better if you'd come to celebrate a victory. Is this a good time to be so long away from home for you? Well, the struggle against racial oppression is worldwide. It's not only confined to South Africa. The developments, the significant political developments that are taking place today are the result of the cumulative factors of internal mass struggle and international pressure. And therefore, it is quite correct. For me, as part of my struggle against apartheid at home, to address and thank those peoples who have supported us all along. What I meant was that some people feel that there may be a very narrow window of opportunity to achieve the kind of, um, of constitutional change you want. By negotiation in South Africa, with extremists on in the white community proliferating, some extremism in the black community, all opposing the idea of negotiations. Do you feel that your time may be limited in which you can achieve some kind of negotiated settlement? I do not regard that we are working within any time limit. No, you don't. No, we don't. These factions, which are opposing the peace process in the country, have to be expected by those who have been following political events in our country. In fact, they were expected by the government itself, and they must have examined the situation very carefully, knowing that there would be a backlash. Because this is a monster which they themselves, the government, have created. And therefore, this reaction on the part of the right wing is something that we expected. But we are not going to be paralyzed by that and not do our work inside and outside the country. I have gone out because we have assessed the situation very carefully and felt that it is time for us, when there is talk of re-examining sanctions, to go out and point out that that would be a catastrophic step. And the vote by the United Nations, by the European Parliament, which voted... By 177 votes to 47. Is a vindication of our visit to Europe and to America to appeal to the various countries to maintain sanctions. Apart from opposing sanctions, and I'll come back to that in a moment, opposing the relaxation of sanctions, and I'll come back to that in a moment, you're also using this trip to raise the prestige and the financial resources of the African National Congress. How much do you need that? I mean, do you not have the resources and the prestige enough to carry on your struggle without this kind of international campaign? How can we carry on the programs that we have without financial assistance from the international community? The resources of the country are monopolized by the white minority. We don't have resources. How would we be expected to rehabilitate the political exiles which are coming back? Who want jobs? Who want accommodation? Who want educational facilities for their children? How do we rebuild the ANC, which has been banned for 30 years? How do we mobilize the entire country for peace if we don't have the resources? We cannot generate those resources from inside the country. And it's but natural for us to approach the international community for assistance in this regard. Come back to sanctions now. Who is the chief target of your anxiety? Which country are you most worried might want to relax sanctions? We don't want to deal with the situation from that angle. Appealing to all countries. Whoever they are, not to relax sanctions. Are you afraid Margaret Thatcher will want to relax sanctions? If I have any fears, I will express them directly to her. And I do not consider it improper that I should be discussing here what I propose to discuss with the British Premier. Right. Well, you are also going to see President Bush, of course, on this trip. Do you have some anxiety that, Mr. Bush wants to relax sanctions? No. I have no such anxieties, but he may have views, which if they conflict with ours, then we'll be able to thresh the matter out. What would happen if some sanctions were relaxed? You've said that you believe, Mr. De Klerk is negotiating with integrity and that he has the same aim of a multiracial society that you do. Are you afraid that, if sanctions were relaxed... That he would slow down? That he would reverse himself? There is that possibility. Not from the point of view of a man who can't keep his word. I am convinced that he will keep his word. But he faces problems and he just has to make a choice. The continued application of sanctions puts an obligation on all of us to try and find a solution as quickly as possible. We are just as anxious as the government for our economy to be saved. From being shattered by sanctions. We are keen that we should have a chance as soon as possible of putting our economy on a sound basis. And therefore, we are keen to reach a solution as quickly as possible. And the danger about relaxing sanctions is that you will actually undermine the rate at which we want to reach a settlement. Mr. De Klerk would feel that, for political reasons, he could go slower. Is that your... Well, that is a possibility because he faces problems. The City newspaper, a Black news with a big circulation in Johannesburg, this week came out for lifting of some sanctions. And they said, the writers said, they didn't want Blacks to inherit a wrecked economy, a wasteland. Now that's an argument that opponents of sanctions, that's the phrase that opponents of sanctions have used a lot in the West. Does it disturb you that some prestigious Black opinion, now inside South Africa, is calling for a relaxation? We are a democratic organization movement, and we are tolerant of opposing views. People are entitled to express their views. I do not know which newspaper this is, but if one talks about the City press, generally speaking, they support our struggle. And if on any particular point we don't see eye to eye, we will discuss that with them. And we have a powerful case, and we think we are in a position to convince anybody, as I have convinced you. You've said that for the West to try and help De Klerk, to make some gesture to help him. For instance, Mr. Bush has talked about his desire to make some gesture to reward De Klerk for the steps that he has made. And I've heard your answer that you don't think he's due for a reward. Because he's just undoing what he shouldn't have done, what the white community shouldn't have done in the first place. But are you worried about De Klerk being weakened? Are you worried about an erosion of support for De Klerk? That that could catch up with the negotiating process, that he could lose whatever mandate or moral authority he has to negotiate with you? Not if he carries out our recommendation to him. We have said to him he has another four years in terms of the election laws of the country. Within that four years, he can bring about fundamental and irreversible changes in the political scenario of the country. That fundamental change would be to extend the vote to every South African. If he did that, he would take out the political power from a white minority and place it squarely in the hands of the masses of the people. Once he has done that, the right wing would be absolutely powerless. And he would be in an invincible position. Are you saying that if Black voters were enfranchised across the political spectrum, that enough of them would vote for Mr. De Klerk, a white man, after all that he's represented in their past? I am not talking of voting for him as a person, but the cause for which he stands. That is a negotiated settlement on the basis of a non-racial constitution. That cause would triumph. And he would benefit because he would be part of that process. How close are you to removing now the obstacles to a full negotiation, for instance, the release of political prisoners and the return of... The problem about that, we're going to agree with that. It's going to be very quick now. In our next meeting, I have no doubt to say, we'll clear that completely. Okay. You've said that the next step is to... Decide and how to choose the delegates who will represent Blacks in the real negotiations and that they should be democratically elected. Are you going to look to the government to set up such an election machinery, or are you going to set one up within the ANC? It's a joint affair. We are discussing with the government already and the structures that we are going to put up for the purpose of negotiating on a new constitution. It is now a joint responsibility between the ANC and the government. And it may well be that other organizations will be involved. We have not taken up the stand, the position that we are the only organization that is entitled to negotiate. That has never been our stand. But we insist on democratic elections in order to identify the people who are going to negotiate. So, in other words, just to what would amount to a constitutional Congress, to use the American phrase, the election to that would become the first democratic... Election across racial lines in South Africa? I don't want to use any labels. All that I'm saying is that people who are going to be entrusted with. The important work of drawing a new constitution for South Africa, acceptable to all population groups, must be undertaken by people who have been properly mandated through non-racial elections. You said to the... Oh, I just want to ask one more question on the timetable. If the question of the release of political prisoners and the return of exiles can be settled? At your next meeting, what do you see as a probable timetable for electing delegates and sitting down? The earliest, one could sit down and start having serious negotiations. I would be reluctant, I say, to talk in terms of timetables. It is sufficient to say that in the first meeting that we've had with the government, the element of urgency was evident on both sides. That is why we appointed a working group composed of equal members of the ANC and the government and instructed them to report to us before the 21st of May. They have done so and indicated to us the ways and means in which these obstacles could be removed. We are meeting then in order to take specific decisions. As to how to remove the obstacles. And we don't expect any problems about that. There is, of course, the question of removing repressive legislation, because it's not only just the state of emergency. There is a battery of laws which give the government sweeping powers of suppressing political activity from their opponents. We have also insisted that these laws should be repealed. But, of course, the question of the repeal of the laws is not something that can be done overnight. And we will look into that. And we have no doubt that in a future meeting of Parliament, some of these laws, you see, will be withdrawn. You said today in your United Nations speech, it was strange that the victims of a crime against humanity were being told. What procedures were proper to rid themselves of that crime? What did you mean by that? Well, we are told, for example, that we must lift sanctions. We must call off the armed struggle. We are now talking to the government. We must give them sufficient space to maneuver with regard to the right wing. Now, we consider this approach to be totally incorrect, because the methods which are used by an oppressor, the methods of political action used by the oppressed, are determined by the oppressor. In South Africa, the methods which the people are using to oppose apartheid and racial discrimination are determined by the government. The government talks peacefully. Once to solve problems by peaceful means, talks to the oppressed, it would be very difficult for them to turn to violence. But when the government bans political organizations, bans political activities, paralyzes individuals by imposing bans on them, and intensifies oppression, and carries on. A brutal suppression of all political activities, what do you expect us to do? We must resort to violence in order to defend ourselves. But many people, especially in the West, seem to be blinded to this reality, that we ought not to have embarked on violence, we ought not to continue with violence when we are negotiating. We know better, because we are the people who are responsible. For this negotiating process. And we should be telling the world what methods of action should be abandoned and at what time. It is not for the international community to try to lecture to us as to what methods of action we should use. You said to Ted Koppel last night, A man who changes his principles depending on with whom he is dealing, is not a man who can lead a nation. The context was this. What principle are you being asked to change, you, Mr. Mandela, when Americans question your praise for the human rights under Gaddafi and Castro? What is the principle involved there that you're being asked to change? Mr. McNeil, This is a matter which should not be handled lightly, as many people do. The first country which we approached in the 60s for assistance, when our leaders had to leave the country. In order to mobilize the support of the international community, the first country we approached was the United States of America. We could not even succeed to come close to the government, and they refused assistance. But Cuba, the moment we appealed for assistance, they were ready to do so, and they did so. Why would we now listen to the Western world when they say we should have nothing to do with Cuba? It's just unreasonable. No human being acts in that particular fashion. Here is the country that was the first to assist us when the West, which had formidable resources, was actually supporting the government. Now you expect us to change our whole approach and to start condemning Cuba for what is supposed to be happening inside the country. No man of principles could ever do that. And that is what I try to convey to Cooper. Mr. Mandela, our time is up. Thank you very much indeed for joining us. Thank you. It is a pleasure. Mandela's 70th birthday in July 1988 attracted international attention, notably with the Nelson Mandela's 70th Birthday tribute concert at London's Wembley Stadium. Mandela was presented globally as a heroic figure. Botha was replaced as state president by De Klerk six weeks later. The new president believed that apartheid was unsustainable and unconditionally released all ANC prisoners except Mandela. Mandela was officially released from prison on February 2nd, 1990. The newly elected National Assembly's first act was to formally elect Mandela as South Africa's first Black chief executive. His inauguration took place in Pretoria on May 10th, 1994, televised to a billion viewers globally. The event was attended by 4,000 guests, including world leaders from disparate backgrounds. To the people of South Africa, people of every race and every walk of life, the world thanks you for sharing Nelson Mandela with us. His struggle was your struggle. His triumph was your triumph, a boy raised herding cattle and tutored by the elders of his Temu tribe. Madiba would emerge as the last great liberator of the 20th century. Like Gandhi, he would lead a resistance movement, a movement that, at its start, had little prospect for success. Like Dr. King. He would give potent voice to the claims of the oppressed and the moral necessity of racial justice. It's tempting, I think, to remember Nelson Mandela as an icon, smiling and serene, detached from the tawdry affairs of lesser men. But Madiba himself strongly resisted such a lifeless portrait. Instead, Madiba insisted on sharing with us his doubts and his fears, his miscalculations, along with his victories. I am not a saint, he said, unless you think of a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying. And he learned the language and the customs. Of his oppressors, so that one day he might better convey to them how their own freedom depend upon his. He not only embodied a gun to, he taught millions to find that truth within themselves. It took a man like Madiba to free not just the prisoner, but the jailer as well. And so we, too, must act on behalf of justice. We, too, must act on behalf of peace. There are too many people who happily embrace Madiba's legacy of racial reconciliation, but passionately resist even modest reforms that would challenge chronic poverty and growing inequality. It matters not how straight the gate, how charged the punishment. The scroll. I am the master of my fate. I am the captain of my soul. What a magnificent soul it was.